In his recent testimony before the Senate Armed-Services Committee, James F. Jeffrey laid out a plan for pushing back against the Islamic Republic’s efforts to expand its influence across the Middle East:

The two key fronts are Iraq and Syria, which should be considered, as Iran considers them, to be one theater—but [which require] different approaches. In Iraq, [the U.S.] has a relatively friendly government led by Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, deep ties with much of the population, and considerable anti-Iranian sentiment, including among some Shiite clerics. The United States should lead the international effort to integrate Iraq back into the regional and global community, including with reconstruction and energy-sector assistance. The United States should also press for a continued U.S. military training presence, to prevent a resurgence of Islamic State and ensure Iraq is not dependent on Iran for military support.

The goal should not be Iraq as a “Middle Eastern West Berlin,” which is not feasible, but rather as a Finland, which allows neither Iran nor the United States to project power out of it. The Iraqi government, egged on by Iran, should not be permitted to cherry-pick relations with us, enjoying our economic and diplomatic support while acquiescing in Iran’s subversion and military moves.

In Syria, the announcement by Defense Secretary James Mattis that U.S. troops would stay on to counter a possible return of Islamic State, build up local counterterrorism allies, and contribute to the Geneva [peace] process, is important. The United States cannot dictate events in Syria, but by its presence can contest Iran’s—and Russia’s—freedom of action. Aside from U.S. enclaves and local allies in the north and south, U.S. allies Israel and Turkey also operate militarily in Syria, and have a similar core goal of containing Iran, although differences on tactics, particularly with Turkey, are formidable.

Two extraordinary events demonstrate something important about Israel’s most fervent adversaries. One was a speech given at something called The People’s Forum (funded generously by Goldman Sachs), which stated, “When the state of Israel is finally destroyed and erased from history, that will be the single most important blow we can give to destroying capitalism and imperialism.”

The suggestion that this tiny state is the linchpin of a global, centuries-old phenomenon like capitalism goes well beyond anything resembling rational criticism. Even if Israel were guilty of genocide, apartheid, and oppression—which of course it is not—it would not follow that its destruction would help end capitalism or imperialism.

The other was an anti-Israel protest that took place in front of New York City’s Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, deemed “complicit” in Israel’s evils. At organizers’ urging, participants shouted their slogans at kids in the cancer ward, who were watching from the windows. Given Hamas’s indifference toward the lives of Gazan children, such callousness toward non-Palestinian children from Hamas’s Western allies shouldn’t be surprising. The protest—like the abovementioned speech—deliberately conveyed the message that Israel is the ultimate evil and its destruction the ultimate good, cancer patients be damned.

The fact that Israel’s adversaries are almost comically perverse does not mean that they can be dismissed. If its allies fail to understand the obsessive and irrational hatred that it faces, they cannot effectively help it defend itself.